The Probability Broach: Visit sunny Colorado

A majestic mountain range, with woodlands in the foreground

The Probability Broach, chapter 4

As part of his investigation into Vaughn Meiss’ murder, Win Bear wants to examine his office at the university. Otis Bealls, Meiss’ department chair, notes that Win doesn’t have a search warrant but agrees to show him around anyway.

Win is more than a little suspicious of Bealls’ suddenly cooperative attitude. He suspects a trap, but having come this far, he doesn’t want to leave without taking a look:

Vaughn Meiss’s office was a cinder-block cubicle in a nest of cinder-block cubicles along a cinder-block hall, all painted a depressingly familiar government gang-green. Bookcases teetered to the ceiling on all four walls, and a desk heaped with books and papers was crammed into the middle somehow. On the ceiling, over crumbing acoustic tile, he’d taped a Propertarian poster: IRS—IT REALLY STEALS!

…One strange datum: the desk was piled with histories covering the Revolution and two or three subsequent decades. Bookmarks—campus parking tickets going back to 1983—indicated special interest in Alexander Hamilton, the Federalist Party, and, by golly, Albert Gallatin.

Gallatin, you may remember, is the man whose face is on the strange gold coin Meiss was carrying when he died.

Win doesn’t seem to have consulted an encyclopedia, but in our world, Albert Gallatin was a real person. He was a politician and diplomat of America’s founding generation, a Swiss-born immigrant who was elected to Congress and served as Thomas Jefferson’s Secretary of the Treasury. He also played a role in negotiating a resolution to the Whiskey Rebellion (more on this later).

Another curious thing: in an absolutely jam-packed office, one drawer of the desk, the second on the right, was conspicuously empty, or almost so—a half-empty box of Norma .357 Magnum ammunition, 158-grain hollowpoints; a felt-tip pen bearing the odd inscription LAPORTE PARATRONICS, LTD., LAPORTE, N.A.C., TELECOM GRAY 4-3122; a single pistol cartridge in an unfamiliar caliber marked D & A Auto .476; and—another coin! This one was about the size of a quarter:

ONE HALF METRIC OUNCE
SILVER 999 FINE
THE LAPORTE INDUSTRIAL BANK, LTD.

The other side was even weirder, a ferocious-looking elder in a Karl Marx beard:

LYSANDER SPOONER
A.L. 32-110 ARCHITECT OF LIBERTY

Strangely, Win never speculates about what any of this means. The most he does is make a mental note to go to Laporte later to look for these businesses.

When a detective finds a clue like this, you’d think his brain would go into overdrive to figure out the crime. There aren’t many innocent explanations for someone minting their own money in secret—especially when those coins are found together with a bunch of bullets.

Shouldn’t he suspect a counterfeiting ring testing its equipment? Or some sovereign-citizen-esque plot to topple the United States and replace the dollar, like the German Reichsbürger plot of 2022? That would even fit with the involvement of SecPol.

In his internal monologue, Win brags about how good at his job he is (“In a business lucky to solve one out of twenty, I get my man about half the time”)—but that’s a case of “tell, don’t show” on the author’s part. Win never solves this, in the sense of deducing the solution from the clues he has. A few pages from now, he quite literally stumbles across the answer by accident.

These dubious clues in my pocket, I resolved to stop by the city of Laporte after I finished here. If it was the Laporte in Colorado, something definitely funny was going on. Six or seven miles northwest of Fort Collins, Laporte boasted fewer than five thousand inhabitants—an unlikely place for a bootleg mint, industrial bank, or paratronics factory—whatever that was.

In reading this chapter, I had a feeling of deja vu. Why are libertarians always drawn to Colorado?

In Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand described Colorado as the last redoubt of freedom when the rest of the world had been plunged into communism. She placed her secret capitalist utopia of Galt’s Gulch there, hidden in the Rocky Mountains.

The U.S. Libertarian Party was founded in Colorado in 1971. Libertarian thinker Robert LeFevre founded his unaccredited, pro-capitalism “Freedom School” there in the 50s.

And now there’s The Probability Broach, which takes place entirely in Colorado—both the dystopian version, and the parallel-universe Colorado that’s an anarcho-capitalist paradise. The fact that L. Neil Smith lived in Colorado himself is probably part of the reason, but still. Is it just a coincidence that libertarians keep settling there and placing their stories there?

This is only speculation, but I wonder if it’s inspired by Colorado’s geography. As I’ve said before, libertarianism is an ideology of the frontier. It’s premised—whether its advocates realize it or not—on the belief that there’s no need to get along with your neighbors, because you can always pull up stakes, move away and start over somewhere else.

The Rocky Mountains, which are the dramatic backbone of the state, are like a visual metaphor for this idea. They’re a natural boundary, majestic and beautiful yet isolated and forbidding. As opposed to, say, the Great Plains states, which are wide-open and flat and have no obvious place to go where others can’t follow you, the Rockies seem to promise escape to anyone who’s tired of putting up with civilization. That’s exactly what Ayn Rand used them for, of course.

Colorado’s history of gold rushes and silver booms may also play into its libertarian inclinations. There’s nothing more libertarian than the idea that you can get rich overnight by yourself in the wilderness.

Even though mining is no longer the basis of the state’s economy, those cultural memories linger. To a political ideology that worships gold, it will always be tantalizing to dream that the secret to enormous wealth is out there, just waiting for an adventurous person to find it.

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New on OnlySky: The future of dying

I have a new column this week on OnlySky. It’s about the future of dying, and whether we should be able to take the decision into our own hands.

New York could soon be the eleventh U.S. state to legalize medical aid in dying, or MAID, for the terminally ill. Polls show the general public supports it by huge margins. However, it’s faced opposition from special interests: religious groups are against it because they believe our lives belong to God (by which they mean themselves); and disability-rights groups are against it because they fear people will be pressured to end their lives as a cheap alternative to costly medical treatment and social support.

The religious objections are easily dismissed in a secular society. The disability-rights objections, less so. Their fears aren’t frivolous, not in a capitalist society that values people primarily for how much they can afford to spend. Nevertheless, I argue that there’s a fundamental and overriding question of autonomy to consider. Can we be forced to do what others think is best for us? Do we own ourselves, and thus have the right to choose how we live our lives, including the choice to depart on our own terms – or do we not?

Read the excerpt below, then click through to see the full piece. This column is free to read, but paid members of OnlySky get some extra perks, like a subscriber-only newsletter:

If we have a freedom, we can choose how to exercise it. That choice necessarily includes the right not to exercise it. Freedom of speech implies the freedom to remain silent. Freedom of religion implies the freedom to be an atheist.

Just the same way, freedom to choose what we do with our lives implies the freedom to stop living. It’s the ultimate declaration of self-ownership and autonomy.

No one other than me can tell me what my purpose is, what brings me joy, or what makes my life worth living. If I decide—with clear mind and heart—that I no longer wish to continue, shouldn’t I have the right to make that choice? Is it fair or just to deny all people their liberty because it might be misused or abused in some cases?

Continue reading on OnlySky…

New role at OnlySky

News incoming!

I’ve been a regular columnist for OnlySky since 2022. Originally conceived as a news and opinion site for all things secular, it hit a funding snag and shut down in 2024, but later relaunched with a new focus on possible futures.

Now Dale McGowan, OnlySky’s longtime editor-in-chief, is moving on. He’s accepted a full-time position with a national nonprofit that’s working to protect the U.S. electoral system. It sounds like a rough job, now more than ever, but I’m glad someone is doing it.

With Dale’s departure, I’ve accepted a promotion. Starting this month, I’m the new editor-in-chief of OnlySky.

If you’ve been reading my blog here on FTB, nothing is going to change. I intend to keep splitting my time between the two sites as I’ve been doing. My weekly column on OnlySky is oriented specifically toward futurism and future prediction, while on Freethought Blogs, I’ll keep writing about atheism and secularism, book reviews (including my ongoing series on The Probability Broach), current events, and whatever else catches my interest.

Now that I’ve hung out my shingle, I have to post a want ad: OnlySky is seeking writers!

We’re accepting pitches on almost any topic. Politics and religion are allowed, but so are science, technology and culture – just as long as it has a connection to the future or to a possible future. We want to hear predictions, speculations, and leaps of imagination about ways the world could be different. Nonfiction is fine, but I’d be happy to publish well-written fiction as well.

The best part: OnlySky pays for original content! It’s not a lot, admittedly, but it’s more than nothing.

If you’re interested, contact me by e-mail or in the comments below and tell me what you want to write about, and we’ll discuss details.

The Probability Broach: Education isn’t efficient

Graduates in their caps and gowns

The Probability Broach, chapter 4

Lt. Win Bear has taken a road trip to speak with Vaughn Meiss’ boss, the chair of the physics department at Colorado State University. After being kept waiting for an hour and a half, he’s finally granted an audience:

I wasn’t going to like Dr. Otis Bealls or his little Errol Flynn mustache. A nicotine-stained yellow-gray, it was the only hair he had—except for a scraggly fringe around the back of his head—and appeared to be growing from his nostrils. Affecting baggy tweeds, cheap velveteen waistcoat, and rimless plastic spectacles he fiddled with continuously, he failed to convey the academic impression he aspired to. The whole ensemble reminded me of the proverbial dirty old man who “carved another notch in his gold-handled cane.”

That’s quite an accusation, considering Win told us from his own mouth that he’s inclined to agree with anything a pretty woman says. It takes one to know one, I guess?

Bealls says he’s willing to assist the police in their inquiries, but he has no idea why Win is there; he hasn’t heard about Meiss’ murder. Win begins, “I understand he worked here…”

“Officer, please! Ph.D.’s do not work here! Janitors, stenographers, other menials work here. If I may optimistically exaggerate, undergraduates work here. Professors pass the Torch of Civilization, deliberate our Vast Body of Knowledge. They Labor in the Vineyards of Science, pushing back the Barriers of the Un—”

“Dr. Bealls,” I interrupted. “One of your Laborers won’t be hanging around the Vineyards anymore. He’s lying on a sheet-steel table at the Denver City Morgue, so full of machine gun bullets, he’s gonna need a forklift for a—”

This exchange, as we’ll see, is supposed to be a clue to Bealls’ character. Just like in Ayn Rand novels, any character who talks about abstract ideals like “civilization” and “science” and “knowledge” is an evil socialist who wants to destroy everything decent. You can recognize the good guys because they only care about money.

Win asks if Meiss had any enemies. He wasn’t popular in the physics department, according to Bealls:

“Variant opinions, particularly in these times of economic reappraisal, betray a certain inhumility. Nor have we room for contumacious individualism. Socially Responsible Science cannot proceed in such a manner.”

… “What form did his particular contumaciousness take?”

“He writes letters—wild, irresponsible things, absolutist, subversive! Do you know, he claims this institution would be more efficient run for profit? As if efficiency were a valid criterion in education!”

Obviously, we’re intended to disagree with Bealls. Everything about his character is designed to bias you against him, from his arrogant manner to his pompous speech to his unattractive appearance. His scorn for efficiency is supposed to sound wildly ridiculous and to exemplify how out-of-touch he is.

However, in spite of L. Neil Smith’s best efforts, I don’t entirely disagree. It’s true: education shouldn’t be efficient.

After all, public schools are free and open to everyone, without regard to their likelihood of future success. They even offer therapy, tutoring and other expensive accommodations for students with special needs!

An “efficient” policy, by contrast, would be to only spend our resources on educating those who stand to benefit the most. You could imagine a society that administers a test to children at a young age, sends those who score best to well-funded elite schools, and consigns everyone else to menial labor and serfdom, Brave New World-style. That would be “efficient” in the sense Smith means. But civilized countries don’t do that, and for good reason.

There’s an economic argument for free education, because educated people both earn more and produce more over their lifetimes, contributing more to GDP. But there’s also a moral argument for education. It’s good for a society to have educated citizens. It benefits democracy to have citizens who know history and philosophy and science, so they can understand the issues and vote wisely. The gains from this policy are harder to measure, but they’re at least as important as strictly monetary considerations.

And, ironically, for-profit colleges aren’t the model of efficiency that Smith thinks. The private education industry is riddled with shams and scams. According to whistleblowers, they aggressively target the most vulnerable, encourage them to take out huge loans to attend, hire unqualified instructors and pocket the profits.

Over the last few years, for-profit colleges have been failing left and right, leaving students burdened with massive debt while possessing no degree and no marketable skills. The only thing they’re “efficient” at is extracting money from the gullible.

On top of his distasteful devotion to profit, Bealls says, Meiss was unpopular because he wouldn’t lower himself to the level of his colleagues:

“I mean they frequently complain he goes out of his way to make his professional undertakings vague and esoteric. They—”

“Couldn’t understand what he was doing.”

“I would find other words. He has no right to set himself above his peers.”

Bealls explains that Meiss once pursued experiments of a “sensitive nature”, but he stopped working on them two and a half years ago. He said he had an ethical objection to proceeding any further:

“So why the panic now? That’s a long time, as government secrets go.”

Bealls went into his spectacle-scrubbing bit again. “Understand, sir, he was—considering his mediocre talent—quite far ahead in the field. The price of catering to reckless independence. I’m afraid no one else has been able—and if that weren’t enough, walking around with all that information in his brain—”

I couldn’t help it. “Was he supposed to turn it in? His brain, I mean. The usual practice is to do that before you start working for the—”

This scene shows how in TPB, like in Ayn Rand novels, intelligence sorts neatly by political ideology. Everyone who agrees with the author’s views is a competent supergenius, and everyone who disagrees is a blithering fool or a brutish thug. There are no unintelligent anarcho-capitalists, and there are no brilliant socialists. (Possibly the one exception is Win himself, but he’s the Dr. Watson whose narrative role is to have other characters explain everything to him for the reader’s benefit.)

Putting all the smart, competent, attractive people on the same side is a glaring sign that the author is stacking the deck in his favor. His utopian society functions in-story not because the worldbuilding is especially well-thought-out, but because he’s brainwashed the inhabitants into artificial unanimity, so they’re all willing to play by his rules.

Of course, real life doesn’t work like this. You can’t necessarily predict someone’s IQ from their political affiliation. To the extent that there’s a correlation, it points the other way: people with more education are more likely to be liberal. L. Neil Smith would have had a heart attack if he knew that Albert Einstein wrote an essay titled “Why Socialism?

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New on OnlySky: AI and the post-truth era

I have a new column this week on OnlySky. It’s about whether AI is making it impossible for voters to trust anything they see or hear.

Zohran Mamdani, a socialist candidate for mayor of NYC, made waves when a Republican opponent accused him of using deepfake technology in his ads to pretend he was fluent in Spanish. It sounds too ridiculous to credit, but it’s just the cresting wave of a problem that’s only going to get bigger in coming years. What happens when anyone can create a perfect audio or video clone of anyone else on demand?

It’s not only that unethical politicians will use deepfakes to frame their opponents for things they didn’t do, although that tactic has already been tried. Just as troubling is the possibility that politicians who genuinely committed misdeeds will try to evade accountability by insisting their opponents are making deepfakes of them!

Read the excerpt below, then click through to see the full piece. This column is free to read, but paid members of OnlySky get some extra perks, like a subscriber-only newsletter:

This fits with what we know about human psychology. People with an ideological commitment excel at coming up with reasons to reject evidence that challenges their preconceptions. Young-earth creationists say that dinosaur bones were planted by Satan to test believers’ faith. Conspiracy theorists say that the omnipotent conspiracy plants false flags to lead the public astray. Even scientists, when defending a cherished hypothesis, can argue that contrary evidence is misinterpreted or won’t be replicated.

This is an extension of that trend into politics. The political arena has always been a domain of lies and exaggerations, but we may soon see untruth proliferating like never before. AI gives voters from across the political spectrum a ready-made excuse to wave away anything that casts doubt on their candidate.

Continue reading on OnlySky…

The Probability Broach: Smoke gets in your eyes

An orange-tinted landscape of industrial haze

The Probability Broach, chapter 4

After disarming the bomb in his apartment, Win spends a rough night sleeping on the floor for fear of boobytraps. Before going to sleep, he found two more: another antipersonnel mine under his bed, and a wire rigged to electrocute anyone who used the shower. In the morning, before he leaves for work, he dons his bulletproof vest and takes all his guns and extra ammunition (“This wasn’t my day for regulations”).

Back at the office, since Chief MacDonald never filed any paperwork, Win is still officially assigned to the Vaughn Meiss murder. He checks out a car, saying that he’s going to interview Meiss’ mother to throw off suspicion. In reality, he’s going to Meiss’ workplace at Colorado State University.

It was good to push my Plymouth out of that eternal curtain of brown smoke. Millions of bike-induced coronaries won’t put a dent in pollution, when the State House exempts its own “Public Service” gunk factories. With a cautious eye on the rearview mirror, I settled back and let the miles peel off—ice-blue Rockies on my left, Kansas somewhere off to the right—and tried forgetting corpses, Burgess, maybe even poor old Mac awhile.

Now wait just a darn minute.

Is pollution a bad thing, in Smith’s opinion? This passage implies that it is. That’s a step forward compared to Ayn Rand, who was staunchly pro-pollution (she describes smog from coal fires as “sacred“).

But in the anarcho-capitalist utopia that Smith fantasizes about, it would obviously be impossible to have environmental protection laws. Anyone could pollute to their heart’s content: spew smoke into the sky, pour raw sewage in rivers, dump trash in the ocean, bury toxic waste where it leaches into the soil.

Obviously, for-profit businesses can and have done all these things. They’ve caused a litany of infamous disasters, from Love Canal to Cancer Alley to the Donora death fog to the Exxon Valdez to Deepwater Horizon. But Smith is so dead-set on blaming government for every evil, he shoves that history under the rug and pretends that the state – not private actors chasing profit in an unregulated market – is solely responsible for pollution.

Coincidentally, this passage also shows why the free market can never solve this kind of problem. He hints that the state is pushing people to ride bikes, but it won’t matter as long as they keep spewing out pollution themselves.

That’s Prisoner’s Dilemma logic, and it’s the exact reason why an ancap world would suffer environmental devastation. Everyone who runs a polluting or planet-destroying business will reason, “Why should I bother cleaning up after myself? It won’t make a difference, because everyone else won’t bother!” – and because everyone thinks this way, the problem will never be solved.

The only way to stop this race to the bottom is with a government, which can pass laws that bind everyone. It’s the social coordination mechanism that overcomes the hurdle of individual Prisoner’s Dilemma selfishness. The experience of history proves it: since the Clean Air Act was passed, air pollutants like particulate matter, ozone and sulfur dioxide have declined decade by decade. Millions of people live longer, healthier lives because of this law (even if too many places, especially poor and minority communities, still bear the burden of environmental racism).

I couldn’t forget the body armor, though even with the drop in temperature outside the inversion-bowl that makes Denver the second-stupidest place in America to build a city.

You might wonder, as did I, what L. Neil Smith thinks is the stupidest place to build a city. If he ever says, I couldn’t find it.

The inversion bowl is real, however. It’s a problem that dates back to the late 1800s, as an environmental engineer explains:

“It’s worse in the winter because of something called temperature inversion,” Devore explained, when cold air gets trapped under a layer of warmer air.

“In Denver, because we’re actually in somewhat of a bowl, where we’re bounded on one side by the mountains and the Platte River Valley on the other side, which actually rises up a little bit, so we become trapped.”

Those inversions can last between a day, sometimes even a couple of weeks, she said, and when those happen, the air is stagnant.

When this happens, pollution from any source – soot from burning wood and brushfires, nitrogen and sulfur dioxide from car and truck exhaust, particulate matter from oil and gas drilling – gets trapped and lingers in the stagnant air, rather than being dispersed by wind. The result is a noxious brown cloud that makes the air unhealthy to breathe, potentially for days on end.

But again, the free market will never solve this problem, and Smith doesn’t even try to argue otherwise. The way to fix this is with collective action: vehicle-emissions standards, burn bans, and other laws that protect air quality, so pollution doesn’t build up.

I flipped over to CB for some amateur entertainment.

There was plenty: farmers swapping yarns along their lonely furrows; truckers seditiously exchanging tips. Suddenly the band exploded with obscenity: President Jackson is a ——, four or five unpopular federal agencies are ——. The diatribe began to repeat itself. I slowed, listened—yes, there it was again: a CB “bomb,” a cheap, battery-operated tape player with a seven-minute loop, and an equally expendable transmitter, buried by the roadside and simmering up through a ten-foot copper wire, waiting for FCC gunships to triangulate and blast it to pieces. Remote-control radicalism. The People’s Committee for Free Papua entertained me almost all the way to Fort Collins, then quacked suddenly and went off the air.

Illegal pirate broadcasts and FCC black helicopters! It sounds like a parody of right-wing militiaman paranoia, but this book plays it absolutely straight. (You have to wonder whether “President Jackson” is meant to be Jesse Jackson, or whether Smith was using a generic name so as not to implicate any real-world politician.)

Has the First Amendment been repealed in this world? Can people be imprisoned or worse for protesting the government? This is yet another throwaway detail that hints at a wild backstory – which, alas, we’re never going to get. By the end of this chapter, Win Bear is going to escape from this sorry world for good, with scarcely a glance backwards.

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